Premodern Women and Korea
Posted on May 5, 2019 at 2:00 PM
Premodern Korean society offered women a fair amount of agency within their respective social classes yet was structured on a strict class hierarchy that applied to all societal members alike. Many religious and governmental influences came through China with a sinicized bent, yet the Korean tribes and later kingdoms maintained a unique blend of native traditions and new ideas. Women's freedoms were gradually eroded over time but remained relatively more open than that of their Chinese counterparts. Even with restrictions Korean women continued to pursue their own paths and benefited from the openness of native social ideas and relationships.
Although the first written records of premodern Korea are of the late BCE, life flourished long before. Pottery has been found dating far back as 10,000 BCE3. Stone-like monuments similar to the scale of Stonehedge and dolmens (tombs) have been discovered from circa 2000 BCE, as have traces of systems of rice farming and bronzewear3. More intricate details of the lives of the people at this time are unknown as there was no recorded writing system. Yet these creations do inform historians that there were lively and developing systems of agriculture and metalworking.
According to the Korean origin story the legendary ruler, Tangun, was the product of a union between a bear turned woman and the god Hwanung2. Hwanung had turned the bear into a human after it prayed fervently and passed the divine test set before it. The resulting bear culture is only one example of the native nature worship that continued for hundreds of years and later mingled with foreign schools of thought. Tangun's founding of Old Choson is marked in the legend at 2,333 BCE, during the reign of the legendary Emperor Yao, a pre-Xia early sage king in what is now China.
The actual story of the founding of Choson can be linked to a Qin refugee after the founding of the Han Dynasty. After fleeing in 195 BCE, Wiman established Choson; the population was comprised of locals and fellow Qin refugees like Wiman3. Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty took Choson by force in 108 BCE3. Despite this direct Han control the local population began to gather in resistance.
The early tribes, among them Koguryo (circa 1st century - 668 CE), sought to break free of control of the Han, who considered them barbarians. It was not until 313 CE that they achieved total separation from the Han3. The first accounts of life in these tribes is through the critical lens of Han historians. Should the Han records be trusted then brother remarriage, where a wife would marry the husband's brother upon becoming a widow, was a practice in some of the tribes3. Other tribal marriage customs are also criticized in these accounts. Koguryo was specifically scorned by Han historians for having a uxiorial marriage custom where the son-in-law would live in a separate house adjacent to the main property until his children were grown, upon which he and his wife would move to his original house2. By flipping the traditional narrative of the Han people the Koguryo tribe essentially had the wife's family adopt the son-in-law rather than the other way around. (A similar arrangement was practiced by the Bantu-speaking peoples in Africa.) This idea was disturbing to the Han scholars, who offered the policy as proof that the Koguryo were an inferior people.
Even the intergenerational situation differed among the tribes. The Han, a tribe of no relation to the Chinese dynasty, was noted for having entire families live in a house without any sort of gender or age distinction2. Contrast this with the traditional premodern Chinese gender conservatism and promotion of proper and chaste behavior. What can be taken from these records suggest that the early tribes living in the area of modern Korea had a much looser sense of gender division than their premodern Chinese Han neighbors.
The first large scale government systems in premodern Korea are those of the Three Kingdoms: Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla. These competing kingdoms remained distinct from their founding up until 668 CE, when unification was achieved1. Agriculture and politics were two major areas of development that marked these kingdoms. Building an agricultural industry created the first true class structure in the kingdoms, made up of multi-tribe federations2. By this point the Han had developed fairly sophisticated trade and diplomatic networks2. Premodern Korean politics were heavily influenced by Han precedent and the kingdoms took on both Confucianism and the imperial examination system as a way to stabilize their power2. Despite this powerful influence the kingdoms managed to retain their own individual characteristics. For example, a warrior culture still thrived and architecture remained largely unchanged, except for religious or government sites3. While local tradition remained strong, the premodern Chinese influence was still significant.
The relationship between the now freed kingdoms and the Han was gradually restored. By the sixth century the Three Kingdoms regularly sent ambassadors to the post-Han Southern Dynasties1. That these systems filled a void suggested that there was no native alternative. Besides taking on political structure from the Han, such as the title of "king," the Three Kingdoms also copied the existing Han writing system, making modifications to fit it to their local grammar1. The absence of a native writing system explains the lack of local written records before those by the Han Historians. Geographic proximity put the Three Kingdoms (and later unified Korea) into premodern China's sphere of cultural influence.
The integration of Chinese writing came into the Three Kingdoms via Buddhism. In 372 and 384 CE Buddhism was introduced to Koguryo and Paekche respectively by two monks sent on behalf of different groups in the area of modern China (though distinct from the main Chinese dynasty)3. The Buddhism connection continued between the kingdoms and the Chinese dynasties. Paekche requested Buddhist sūtras as well as "physicians, craftsmen, painters, and specialists in the Confucian [text] The Book of Odes" in 541 CE3. These efforts to adapt sinicized Buddhism further strengthened the influence of the Chinese dynasties on the Three Kingdoms. Note that as these ideas came to the Korean kingdoms and later dynasties through the Chinese dynasties they were generally tinted by Chinese influence. Over time local forms of Buddhism developed, including Maitreya Buddhism, yet pre-modern China would remain the proxy for the spread of ideas to its geographic neighbors for many centuries.
Around the same time as these kingdoms arose the Gaya/Kaya Confederacy. Coexisting with the kingdoms, the confederacy was led by King Suro, a man hatched from an egg, who supposedly found his wife when the parents of an unnamed young princess dreamed that they were to send away their child2. The story jumps from the youths' initial meeting to their pillow talk, where it is implied that they have initiated a physical relationship without a formal marriage. There appears to be no judgment passed on this relationship in the account, despite their extramarital relations. On the contrary the formalization of their physical relationship is enough to have established their husband-and-wife status. Their official marriage soon after is essentially a formality.
Meanwhile in Silla Buddhism and Daoism were actively shaping women's roles, (tentatively) giving them new opportunities to commune or connect with the divine. The year 540 CE saw the rise of King Chinhŭng in Silla2. A devout Buddhist, he made a female group in 576 CE to coordinate with the hwarang, warrior youth who were presented as paragons of virtue and conduct, likely an evolution of Silla's earlier tribal customs; this new group was called the wŏnhwa and members were intended to serve as female religious leaders2. Unfortunately this did not go to plan. The first two candidates fought and one of them, Chunjŏng, successfully schemed to kill the other, pushing a drunken Nammo into a river; as a result Chunjŏng was killed and the group was broken up2. Notably this is the only attempt to incorporate equally women into the hwarang. It seems that this unfortunate happening soured future attempts. A precedent had been set that women would have difficulty serving as united moral representatives.
However, more success can be seen in female representation among the goddesses the Silla people honored. The Holy Mother of Mount Fairy Peach was a mountain "fairy" goddess and country guardian associated with immortality; the tale adds that she was a Chinese princess named Saso who followed a hawk to the mountain, birthed the founder of Korea, and used her knowledge of immortality to become a goddess2. Her legacy would continue to live on for centuries, including multiple wonderous acts. King Kyŏngmyŏng, a late Silla king, prayed to her and had his lost hawk return to him2. A nun in the late 500s to early 600s CE, Chihye, was gifted by the goddess with a wealth of gold under her shrine to rebuild a Buddhist monastery2. These two stories are representative of some of the wonders after her death but she was also a holy woman during her life. Other powerful women transcended physical forms to become immortal. One such woman was Lady Unje, one of the first Silla queens, who transformed into a higher being and a guardian for a different local mountain2.
There is also mention of menstruation in Buddhist records. One tale includes as a side character a woman "washing her menstrual napkin"2. While these references do not appear to be common they suggest that it was at least a mentionable topic, not a taboo one.
Near the end of the Three Kingdoms period Silla was led by Queen Sŏndŏk (r. 632-647 CE). Queen Sŏndŏk was an effective strategist and was responsible for much of the unification efforts that were to bring the kingdoms together. She was also revered by her people who saw her as a spiritual shaman; during her sixteen years in power she made three prophesies which came true: the peonies sent by the Tang would have no fragrance upon blooming; the presence of many croaking frogs at the Jade Gate Pond represented enemy forces sneaking up from the west; she knew the exact date of her own death2. Taken together her officials were awed. Queen Sŏndŏk's officials asked her to explain her first two predictions, which she proceeded to attribute to omens and observations2. These predictions are reflective of Queen Sŏndŏk's cleverness and her awareness of both her surroundings and the ongoings of her kingdom. Likely local intelligence would have alerted her to the presence of the army while her assumption about the peonies may have come from experience or truly from observation. She could also control her date of death. Queen Sŏndŏk left behind a Silla that was at the cusp of change.
Presiding over this cultural shift was Queen Sŏndŏk's cousin, Queen Chindŏk. Records indicate that Queen Chindŏk regularly met with lords of her federation at sacred places to discuss state matters2. Not only was Queen Chindŏk a central government figure but she was also instrumental in the further introduction of Tang cultural elements to court. In 649 and 650 CE respectively she adopted the Tang Dynasty's court attire and calendar system2. She also took the step of supporting scholarly study of Confucianism2. This was a transitional period for Silla and Queen Chindŏk began the process of introducing Tang influences. While Queen Chindŏk was a capable ruler she was the target of increasing grumbles by the nobility who disapproved of the very strict social caste system. These True Bone nobles wanted the shrinking branch of the royal family to expand the pool of potential rulers to include them, not just the Holy Bone class.
Throughout the history of Silla there was very little social mobility and one's life was determined at birth. The opportunity for Queen Sŏndŏk and Queen Chindŏk to become rulers of Silla was likely because there were no male successors of Holy Bone status. Social status trumped all other factors, including gender. Yet the presence of an earlier queen and in numerous powerful roles suggests that women in Silla were granted a fair degree of agency compared to their Tang counterparts. Besides grumblings of the nobility both women were seen as legitimate rulers, having royal claims strengthened by paternal and maternal ancestors2. This emphasis on both bloodlines reveals a greater gender equity than what was present in the Tang at the time.
After much interkingdom struggle, Silla united all of the others under its control. With the aid of the Tang Dynasty, Silla conquered the Korean peninsula in 668; in the next decade it then pushed out lingering Tang forces that hoped to incorporate the peninsula3. This new kingdom, Unified Silla, was ruled by the newly considered True Bone class2. It wasn't until 682 that the Confucian texts would make their way into an official national academic curriculum2. This shift can be tied to the favoritism the new king showed towards Confucianism over the locally dominant Buddhism. A more unified local language also began to develop with the unification of the three kingdoms, a combination of many local dialects2. A distinct language, this communication showed the resilience of Silla traditions, despite increased trade and communication with the Tang Dynasty.
Buddhism retained its large following in Silla, even with the introduction of Confucianism. A story from the mid-700s CE tells of a slave girl named Ungmyŏn who was so devout in her daily chants that she heard a voice telling her to pray; upon doing so she soared upwards, shed her earthly body, and transformed into a Buddha before disappearing2. While another record of her story describes her as a twice reincarnated man, Ungmyŏn was able to reach enlightenment and ascension without her sex as a restriction. This contrasts with the Tang idea that one's sex could be a deterrent to spiritual enlightenment.
As it did with the Holy Bone rank the system of picking only from the True Bone rank began to destabilize and Silla broke apart in the early 900s. Two smaller political areas were temporarily established. One of the two ruling men, Yi Kyŏnhwŏn, is recorded as having branded and killed one of his many wives as well as their sons after he believed her unfaithfu12. Yi Kyŏnhwŏn had many such affairs and saw no repercussions but when his wife saw fit to point out his indiscretions he became enraged. This extreme abuse and murder horrified his people and was likely very uncommon.
The two temporary territories of Later Paekche and Later Silla were ultimately conquered by the Koryŏ kingdom (918-1392 CE) in 936 CE2, 3. Koryŏ's development can be viewed as aristocratic rule followed by military rule then Mongol control2, 3. Buddhism, shamanism, Daoism, and delineated social classes continued to dominate society; however Tang thought introduced a certain degree of social mobility and the concept of merit-based government through Confucian state examinations2, 3. Gradually the combination of internal dissent and external expansion resulted in the rise of a militarized state. This new system was torn down by the Mongols, who maintained power over Koryŏ until the Ming dynasty systematically expelled them from its own territory5. Such is the general history of Koryŏ.
A closer look at the years of Koryŏ reveals that women continued to exert their influence. Social circumstances were still significantly different than those in the Tang and Ming dynasties. Sibling and familial intermarriage was not uncommon as there was no concept of a family name3. As well, uxiorial marriage customs were still regularly in practice and while men could have multiple wives they were all considered equal in stature, not unofficial or secondary partners3. A woman had legal equality to her male counterparts as well as a full partnership with a spouse, even if she was not the first wife married; even remarriage was acceptable and a poor match could be easily remedied with a divorce3. Women's social equality carried to sibling relationships too. Sisters and brothers had equal inheritance rights, much like in premodern Egypt3. These continued traditions suggest that local customs were still strong despite Tang and Ming influence.
Newly introduced to scholarship in Koryŏ, Confucianism began to increasingly moderate social conduct. Ch'oe Nubaek, a well-educated man, wrote his wife Yŏm Kyŏngae's epitaph, praising her for her humility and devotion3. While more perscriptive than descriptive of the time, Confucian social ideas were touted by the elite of society. King Sŏngjong (r. 981-997) wrote on filial piety, stressing chastity and supporting one's mother-in-law faithfully as key qualities of a woman; he also references and appears to condone the divorce of a woman because she neglected her mother-in-law3. This image is at odds with the agency that records suggest the average woman then exhibited, especially with their legal statuses. There is also reference to arranged political marriages for the royal benefit though this may not have actually been a new practice. In either case women from influential families could be sent away for political leverage. These references to a Tang or Ming system of proper conduct are occasional enough that they are likely not reflective of the social positions women actually held. Notably many of these references are made by those of royal background seeking to use Confucianism (or Neo-Confucianism as of the Ming dynasty) as a rallying force or nobility and scholars who predicated their study on the Confucian texts.
Tales of the Koryŏ period encompass the lives of many immortalized women. These women were competent and silently powerful while still managing to meet the guides of early, lighter Confucian influence. Kim Pusik (1075-1151) was a scholar and prominent political figure who took upon himself the task of compiling the Three Kingdoms' history, titled Samguk sagi4. Pusik is somewhat contrary in his depiction of these women. Although he openly criticizes women as rulers of Koguryo and Silla he also presents them with a favorable light and space within their stories to act; yet these stories are written by men about woman and are not autobiographical4. Among these women are Tomi, Ondal, and Sŏlssinyŏ, all women seeking or maintaining a marriage4. Tomi's wife rescues her blinded husband after the king tests him, trying unsuccessfully to inspire him to infidelity; Ondal’s wife, an unnamed princess, takes her jesting father seriously and prepares her whole life to marry a fool, refusing other offers and boosting him to political success; Sŏlssinyŏ remains faithful to her missing-in-action fiance for years, grieving all the while, but likely would accept a new spouse selected by her father if it came to it4. Note that nearly all of these women remain nameless. Despite their relative freedom of action they are seen as belonging to their spouse and not worth naming, at least in Pusik’s view.
There were also uncommon ways to be faithful, though Pusik shows disapproval of any extreme methods. One wife honored her husband Sona, a soldier killed in battle, by making a public speech to honor his life and dedication; Sŏk Uno, a talented general, is avenged by his wife who burns a visiting Japanese envoy alive after they burn her husband alive for a half-hearted yet threatening comment; Lady Chiso disowns her son after he flees battle, dishonoring her husband4. From giving speeches to promote a husband's image after death to taking revenge for a spouse (rare) to holding filial conduct above children there were many reasons women were recognized for proper or filial behavior.
The Koryŏ kingdom decayed after Mongol control and the new Chosŏn kingdom (1382-1910) rose to fill the power void. Like its predecessors the dynasty was very socially rigid; unlike the earlier dynasties the Chosŏn dynasty was heavily grounded in Neo-Confucian thought. It was during the Chosŏn dynasty that the ideal of the restricted, filial woman came into full fruition. Didactic tales were written to emphasis these standards and older tales were adapted. Tomi's wife was reportrayed in the Illustrated Guide to the Three Bonds, a government-produced morality book in the 1400s, as the main character, which is ironically not a compliment4. On the contrary Tomi's wife is reduced to a chaste and devoted woman who gives up her life to blindly follow her husband; her bravery is minimized and her husband loses his backstory to generalize the story. The reactions of the women in the stories become more extreme as they resort to suicide in attempts to keep their virtue. This fate is seen as preferable to dishonoring one's spouse and losing one's virtue. Historically these tales began to change at a time of much turmoil with multiple invasions and increased danger for the Chosŏn people4. Perhaps virtue was less emphasized because of Confucian influence than it was a fear of current events.
Throughout the Chosŏn dynasty major restrictions were placed on women, aligning with the rise of Neo-Confucianism. The emphasis on Confucianism was led by an idolization of the Qing dynasty as a "senior state" to imitate2. Some level of Chinese influence lasted all through the Chosŏn Dynasty, into the early 20th century. It was at this point that Korea attempted to shake off this influence to develop its modern nationalistic identity. Early in the Chosŏn dynasty schools were established with the purpose of educating the future male elite. The new emphasis on patriarchal leadership strengthened and women's rights continued to erode. Improvements in publishing technology likely contributed to the spread of Neo-Confucian ideals to the wider population. Female decent became less important and mourning for these relatives was less honored; women were no longer given a share of the inheritance; in 1402 women were outlawed from riding horses3 All of these changes limited women's economic, social, and religious agency.
Some of these changes also had an effect on social status. The term of primary wife was introduced, with an official report in 1413, making formerly equal co-wives secondary wives or concubines. Their children, through no fault of their own were demoted socially. Eventually these side children would no longer be considered proper scholarly candidates, just because of the facts of their birth2, 3. Interestingly much of the punishment was directed at men who disrupted social order. That women were viewed as passive participants may have some role in this idea. Yet it is also in some sense a compliment that the issue was not with the woman inherently but with the instigator of the incident.
Marriage practices were also changed by the social restructuring. At this time woman were expected to go through an intermediary for arranging a match; female remarriage was also indirectly forbidden on the basis of marriage being a binding tie between two families, not two people; cleverly this was done by making the woman's children ineligable from any exam or position of significance2. By making remarriage financially and logistically impossible the Chosŏn dynasty further detracted from women's freedom. Between these Neo-Confucian efforts, many elite women were transformed into silent domestic figures by the peak of the Chosŏn dynasty. The queens and lower classes were still often exceptions because of regencies and economic necessity respectively.
Part of the push for Neo-Confucianism was an pushback against the traditionally popular Buddhist schools of thought. One Confucian scholar, Sin Ch'ŏjung, scorned Buddhism for its supposed discouragement of conjugal relationships and its teaching of a higher (not practical) calling; another scholar went so far as to call Buddhism harmful, the worst influence on society as it (theoretically) promoted stealing by the wealthless devotees2. Yet Buddhism survived this series of attacks as did local beliefs. Shamanism remained strong and female shamans, Mudang, are still recorded from the Chosŏn dynasty3. Like the didactic texts these strategies to force out opposing ideas were not truly successful and women never stopped taking positions of influence where they could. However the general resistance did greatly restrict women from their relative agency of the earlier dynasties.