Premodern Women and Africa
Posted on May 10, 2019 at 10:00 PM
From the ancient Egyptian culture of 3000 BCE onwards to that of Njinga of Angola's tribe to the Bantu Matrilineal Belt, Africa offers many different examples of societal organization styles. Across Africa premodern women regularly held rulership roles, often participated in the warrior cultures, and were actively involved in matters of economics and trade. With such a range of societies to look at across Africa, the continent is here represented by in-depth looks both at a series of powerful African women and at general information available on women's lives in certain tribes and societies. In most cases documents and records from upper class members of society had a higher chance of survivability over time and therefore current knowledge is shaped by these resources. Further, the proximity of these societies to Eurasia is at times reflective of the level of cross-continental influence they received over time.
Table of Contents
Egypt
Time covered: ~3000 BCE - 800s CE
In ancient Egypt women had legal statuses and rights as well as the relatively common opportunity to run the family business. Lineage was also recorded via maternal and paternal lines, meaning that family history and legitimacy for rule were marked by both sides of the family; as such, Egyptians would often depict their mothers in their tomb carvings7.
Having a legal status came with full legal rights for Egyptian women. They could press claims against others; testify in court; be tried and charged for breaking the law; make wills; inherit, manage, and trade property; and serve as trustees and estate representatives1, 7. One woman, Eudaimonis, sent a letter to her son describing her fears in being swept into a lawsuit he was a target of1. Being brought into a lawsuit was evidently a valid concern to her. Writings left behind on pottery, known as ostraca, suggest that while women did indeed engage in court activities it was generally less often than men did7. This may not account for matters where the woman was representing the business of an away spouse. The records of women being tried for debt neglect indicates that women were independent owners and borrowers of wealth, like in early Korea. Contrast this with the assignment of one's wealth to a spouse and the loss of legal status that oft applied to women in much of later premodern China.
Through property ownership women also wielded economic power. Women also held joint property with their spouses and inherented in part from their spouses' individual property, sometimes even being gifted the entire estate over any children7. In quite a modern approach, the early Egyptians did not see wealth as something that was always to be given to the children, who would usually then be charged with caring for the surviving spouse. Rather women were viable candidates to control entire estates. Early Egyptian women also had free choice to dispense with their individual wealth. One 20th Dynasty woman, Lady Naunakhte, chose to essentially disinherent some of her children from receiving any of her personal property based on their treatment towards her in her older years7. This element of choice is echoed across other wills and testaments from the time and reveals the economic power Egyptian women held both during and after their lives.
I am a free woman of Egypt. I have raised eight children, and have provided them with everything suitable to their station in life. But now I have grown old and behold, my children don't look after me any more. I will therefore give my goods to the ones who have taken care of me. I will not give anything to the ones who have neglected me.
From their youth girls and boys were led on separate paths to adulthood. As young girls Egyptian women were trained for domestic tasks alongside their mothers while boys would continue their schooling. This lack of formalized education can be more attributed to the cost than to an overt objection to female education7. (Interestingly this cost issue also applied to tomb ownership7.) In spite of this general schooling deficit the diety of writing was Seshat, a goddess7. This lends support to the situational reason over the idealistic reason. Royal women, such as Queen Hatchepsut's daughter Princess Neferure, were trained by private tutors7. Numerous women did manage to educate themselves in basic reading and writing for household management purposes. Everyday writings left behind suggest that they took notes for similar uses as crafty people do today: shopping lists and clothing design tips, including for undergarments7. It seems to have been a sign of wealth to employ a scribe to dictate one's correspondence and most of the preserved letters from upper class women show a steady, practiced hand. Yet one family matriarch1 showed another side of correspondence and was forward in her partially self-written demands for other family members, clearly used to speaking her mind. The shopping list women compiled were often sent to male relatives with requests that they send these supplies back when possible1. This may have been one way of keeping in touch with family who was traveling, as it appeared to be relatively common, but may also indicate that while women are depicted in carvings as traders men actually made up the majority of shoppers. Even though "ideally" women would remain generally homebound and the women from these letters were mostly upper class, this was more likely a generally unmeetable standard. Upper class letters were often secured in secure caches for preservation and safe-keeping, making them dominant among surviving letters. While many women did not regularly read and write their own letters those who did demonstrate the opportunity available to determined Egyptian women.
Women, especially of the upper classes, often had the opportunity to take over their husband's businesses when their husbands were away for travel, extended business, or war. A letter from a woman named Herennia in 57 CE states that she bought olives and held off one paying the "piety" or religious collection in his name1. Her correspondence reveals that women did indeed handle purchases and could pay a male relative's debts in their absence. Usually they did not have their own independent careers because there was an expectation of marriage and no dependable contraception7. However they showed themselves as more than capable of handling business affairs and their husbands trusted them to run the household and business in their absences. As well women of the lower classes worked to support the family, either alongside their husbands or as musicians, weavers, mourners, or domestic workers7. Performers of all kinds were often tattooed, a female-specific adornment7. Often religious in nature, common tattoos may have been more permanent forms of amulets, promoting fertility or other desirable qualities. Artistic women were tied to fertility just as female deities often were. Fertility may have been a source of power for Egyptian women. Women of education could also become professionals and supervise other women, though not men it appears, yet as time went on this kind of position became increasingly uncommon7. No matter their social class women also engaged in trade in the marketplace and were less cloistered than some later ideals might suggest.
Besides business matters, women also had roles within the religious realm, especially in matters of life and death. While women of the lower classes needed to work by necessity, upper class women often turned to priestesshood. Other women used their musical talents to praise the deities. This was apparently seen as a high kind of (volunteer) calling and the women were recognized for their efforts7. This emphasis is likely because many of the female deities were musical as well. Another role was that of professional mourner. This female-only position was linked to burial rituals and therefore had religious significance. That only woman had this role perhaps suggests that women were believed to be more emotionally attuned. Wealthy women could also become patrons. Aline, a woman from an upper class family, funded a healing shrine1. While there is not much information on other forms of patronage Egyptian women did possess economic power through their own property holdings and wealth and were apparently interested in using this power to benefit causes of their choice.
Women had domestic roles beyond that of marriage. Some women were "administrators, musicians or maids" for a household7. They also were often responsible for the care of young relatives and other children in the family, even those that were not their own7. Therefore, extended family was important to female familial relations and serving others' families was an avenue of "professional" pursuit for average-class women. Men also took in extended family in a non-nuclear familial living arrangement7. The oft traditional tasks of laundry and weaving could be conducted by women but were increasingly done by men, especially with the rise of a heavy mechanical weaving machine that required significant strength to run1, 7. Even before this technological development women could trade for woven items and men would even stay home from work to weave, with their bosses' awareness7. Therefore learning to weave was not a perogative and it appears that this traditionally female task was shared fairly evenly between men and women. The extra time available to women with this relief in responsibility may have attributed to their extensive involvement in the workforce, marketplace, and family businesses.
Finding a partner was a significant step into adulthood for young Egyptian girls. Marriage in ancient Egypt was an independent and often unofficial affair7. Like in the premodern Korean tribes, registration of a marriage was merely a formality. Marital status in early Egypt is not easily distinguishable in records because of the lack of a word for "wedding" as well as the absence of any traditional Western bridal items or surname changes7. That is not to say that new co-habitation, the key marker of a partnership, was not celebrated. Concubines were also present in society and having a surrogate mother was an option for couples struggling to have children7. Female and family relationships were therefore not only extensive but also adaptable, meaning that much of the idealistic presentation of women was also not descriptive. With partnerships fluid and chastity of low importance, women likely had a degree of sexual freedom outside of attachment. However within an official arrangement their agency was greatly limited. The punishment for female adultery was very severe, with the potential for death or facial mutilation7. Women in a regular relationship were under the care and sexual ownership of their husbands in this sense, even though they retained their legal identities, such as in economic matters. Even at the end of their lives they were portrayed as observers in tomb carvings7. There were notable exceptions of prominent and wealthy women though, including the Egyptian queens. In contrast, men were only discouraged from affairs where the woman was married, because it led to problems with the other husband7. When something of this nature occurred the woman was usually blamed for initiating the contact with inappropriate flirtations7. As well, in carving the achievements of the men who usually owned the tombs took to the forefront. Therefore, even though women had the ability to mutually break a relationship and the element of choice of a partner, within the structure of marriage women were restricted.
Menustration was a topic of some contradictions in early Egypt. While like the early Korean tribes writers occasionally discussed matters of menustration in writing with a factual tone, it was seen as a legitimate reason for a male relative to miss work7. A sort of taint must have surrounded menustration, which while accepted was also capable of "rubbing off" on someone.
Hygene and fashion were very important parts of life in early Egypt. All members of society, not just women, were expected to keep shaved and clean to avoid diseases and insects; they also were expected to keep up with the fashions of the time with the higher the class the less practice the attire7. While the hygene concept is both modern and logical, the emphasis on clothing and appearance seems to be a part of Egyptian culture that was especially in the forefront of people's minds, no matter their social class. Women would also wear amulets for protection and fertility7. As women were expected to be married around their early menses months this was likely a key concern of many Egyptian women.
Famous women and stories - Unlike in western Europe, Egyptian royal women were not married out to foreign leaders but foreign women could marry into the family for an alliance7. In many western European countries royal women were often pawns in a larger political scheme but this element is absent in premodern Egypt. The women were possibly seen as superior to foreign leaders and therefore not to be "given to" or "borrowed out" to anyone. While there was only ever one queen-consort the king often had many concubines and multiple marriages7. This harem concept can also be seen in China and Korea and was far from uncommon in other royal circles. However the Egyptian queen was selected she took on a divine status as a connection between the goddesses and the people7. Similarly, in Byzantium the empress was the link between the emperor and the people.
Most female dieties were either maternal or domestic in some way, representing the ideal image of a supportive and homey wife and mother. While many female deities were musically talented, it was a male deity that represented women. Female goddesses included Merit the musical goddess, Hathor the cow-associated love goddess, Renenutet the domestic and harvest snake goddess, and Taweret the pregnant hippopotamus goddess7. Renenutet was recognized for keeping the house and grains safe by fighting off mice and other pests7. She takes a more active stance than the domestic emphasis would initially suggest was ideal. Yet Renenutet's prominence indicates that strength was posivitely recognized when it was channeled in a beneficial way. Meanwhile Bes, an "ugly dwarf god," was the deity for women and childbirth7. While Isis eventually also took on part of this role, that women were spoken for by a male diety and that all of the top dieties were male is indicative of a male-centered outlook. The female dieties also married their male counterparts and were generally not single7. However the reality of Egyptian women's lives was much more complex and women had more agency than these didactic portrayals would suggest.
The conjunction of legal and economic independence gave Egyptian women a great degree of agency. A moral wife could wield great power but once her morality was in question her position was threatened.
Bantu Matrilineal Belt
Time covered: ~3000 BCE - Present (Modern day)
The Bantu Matrilineal Belt is an extensive swath of countries in the southern two-thirds of Africa that view family relationships as and form social practices around maternal lines. Bantu is a language common to that geographic area. Beginning around 3000 BCE or earlier, the Bantu Matrilineal Belt built communities on female lines. The main legacy from this time has been passed down through language. The words used by the early Bantu Matrilineal Belt inhabitants remain and reveal much of their outlook on women and society.
While the many tribes in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt had different origin stories, a look at that of the renamed Nyendwa clan in the 1500s provides some insights on women as societal initiators. Nyendwa, which is a word for "female genitalia," became the unifying name of multiple matrilineages after a woman peed over a gourd cup, resolving the issue of unsure male chiefs who wanted to drink from the cup in unity3. Not only was it acceptable for women to step in and resolve issues but it was common if this story is at all representative. Even though this is only one story the attitudes towards female leadership and life milestones in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt indicate that this tale is part of a larger view of empowered female identity.
The lives of all tribal members were delineated into certain stages. For girls this began when they entered puberty. Once they received their first menses they would then be accorded the title *-yadi, which applied until their first children were born3, 5. This stage remains commonly recognized in traditional initiation practices across the Bantu Matrilineal Belt today3, 5. In female initiation practices, girls were educated in their new responsibilities, were taught powerful symbols that only adult women were allowed to use or even know, performed various rituals, and celebrated their sexuality5. Unlike in early China the birth of girls was a positive as it continued the line and provided a promise of the next generation3, 5. In these matrilineal tribes girls were of greater value than they were in patrilineal or patriarchal societies, where family is recorded through male lines. Accordingly women of a lineage would decide together on familial matters and all children were educated. Tribal matters were really extended familial matters and so women of the lineage had a great amount of agency over their children and relatives. When a girl wanted to officially become a young-adult it was up to her mother and other related women to decide when she was ready3. This entailed setting up a home and "grind[ing] her own grain," the two major marks of independence3, 5. The next major step was to transition from young-adult to a full adult. Parenthood (not marriage) was the core marker of this step for both spouses in a partnership3, 5. Therefore adulthood was an extension of continuing the tribe into the next generation. As all tribe members relied on this step to become adults both partners were usually of similar age. What this means for the infertile is unknown. In theory they would never be able to become full-fledged adults in the tribe.
Marriage traditions in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt were built on female lineage and therefore reversed the usual patriarchal marriage customs. Like in some early Korean tribes, the Bantu-speaking peoples had a uxiorial and exogamous marriage custom, meaning that men would move into the women's household and the women had to be from another line3, 5. The accompanying assumption is that the men are therefore brought into the women's families, keeping female lines as the marker of relationships. Partnerships were formed through brideservice. Inquiring men would seek an arrangment with the potential wife's mother, one which required the dedication of several years of work and on occasion a monetary contribution of sorts3, 5. (Outside of the Belt monetary gifts were more common5.) If during the several years of brideservice the man did not prove himself fertile or was an unsatisfactory worker he could be sent away3, 5. The wife's mother and her female relatives had a great degree of power over the son-in-law. Control over concluding the brideservice and loosening avoidance rules, where a son-in-law was not to engage with a mother-in-law nor speak back for fear of rejection or worse, was in the hands of these women3, 5. In contrast, in premodern China and in later premodern Korea the father or brother usually arranged marriages and it was upon the wife to prove her worth; were she revealed as infertile or immoral in some way she could be renounced and the marriage broken. This reversal of burden and the accompanying empowerment of mother-in-laws is truly a fairly unique hallmark of a matrilineal society. (In areas outside of the Belt wealthy women could also sponsor the marriages of other women in a pseudomarriage arrangement and therefore control their work5. This demonstrates the great regional variability in practices.)
Early Bantu terminology defines more than just life stages, building a female-centric view of community. The metaphor of a womb was used in the 20th century to represent the caring of the community for its own and the sharing of resources3. In this way the tribe survives together rather than at the expense of any members in their society. Traditional views like this have retained their importance in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt. In most African tribes both men and women hunted and gathered and there was no systematic sense of gender roles5. The tribes were largely undisturbed until the age of colonialism and were quick to recover from the intrusions of European thought systems. The resulting societies still very much value native ideas from thousands of years ago. One root word, *-ganda, which can be translated to various female-led organizations like "'village,' 'house,' and 'hearth'" has been linked back to some of the earliest Bantu speakers in what is now Nigeria and Cameroon3. As well, gender-specific tasks still linked back to matrilineal roots. While women were usually potters and men usually iron smelters, the smelting oven was a symbolic of a pregnant woman and its product the child that gives the community life3, 5. Even though women and men had different tasks, pottery is not necessarily a predominantly female occupation in other geographic areas and smelting was tied to the power of women to "birth" the community and its needed supplies for continued survival. Powerful imagery such as this framed the matrilineal communities in a very female-centric way.
Colonial influence is evident in the shifting meanings of key words for Bantu speakers. One example is that of *-gole, one of new breasts, and *-yadi in the Great Lakes, where these terms became associated with marriage rather than motherhood3. Correspondingly this aligns with patrilineal and likely colonial influence, where power often rested in the hands of men. No wonder then that some colonial visitors to Africa were astonished and recalcitrant when they dealt with female leaders, such as Njinga (see the Angora section below). Belgian, British, Portuguese, and German officials are only some examples3. (The usual colonial response to female leaders was to try to force them from power and replace them with male figureheads). During the 1400s the Kanyok and Lunda people developed gender-specific royal titles, adding prefixes and thereby assuming that for other roles a default title-holder would be a man3. This change in attitude, specific to only some tribes, arose in parallel with initial colonial activity in Africa and often limited opportunities for women. Yet it appears that colonial influence regarding rulership was not always lasting, even in the areas it did manage to successfully alter. The Kingdom of the Kongo was patrilineal from only 1500 to 1650 and then returned to its former matrilineal ways3. Native influences remained a core, engrained part of society; a relatively short period of colonial domination or patrilineal pressure from a nearby tribe was usually not sufficient to permanently change matrilineal traditions.
Generally women were also the property owners. This included not just a house but the items inside of it, including pots and pans, which were associated with female fertility and creation5. Getting a house of one's own was a step in a girl becoming a young woman. The husband would then move into the wife's house. Women generally preferred divorce to moving away from their birth village at their husband's behest3. Depending on the basis of the economy women were usually but not always the handlers of wealth. Cattle is one general exception to women-controlled wealth3. In spite of this the Herero, a Namibia-based cattle tribe, used female lines as a way of passing down cattle across generations3, 5. As in premodern China and Korea there were always exceptions to the rule, even among the patrilineal tribes of Africa. Unlike in these other societies in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt women were the usual handlers of wealth.
Women also were leaders of religious institutions and ceremonies. The authors of the "The Bantu Matrilineal Belt" suggest that there were sororal groups as far back as approximately 0 CE or earlier3. Much like the fraternal organizations of patrilineal or patriarchal societies, these groups provided tribal women with an avenue of gender-specific power. In many tribes the female ruler was seen as the only one who could speak with the ancestors3. By being ritually key this ruler was lifted up above that of mere mortal status. Unlike in premodern China, where the king and later emperor was the only one who could communicate with the ancestors, for many of the matrilineal tribes this honor applied to the head woman in the tribe only. Women were even responsible in some cases for selecting the future male companion or co-ruler for the tribe, much like in Byzantium. For the Bangwa tribes this was the case, granting the Mafwa or Queen Mother immense power3. Women held similar roles of power in the Luba Empire, the Swazi kingdom, and the Ngungi societies, among other tribes3. Women in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt were not only active participants in religious life but they were also centralized leaders of ceremonies, rituals, and political succession.
Interestingly though leadership was not a gendered issue. Men or women alike could take any sort of leadership role.The language surrounding leaders in the Bantu languages were actually genderless3, 5. To differentiate, prefixes would have to be added. Therefore when colonial visitors applied their own gendered language view to the term "chief" their assumptions of male leadership were often incorrect.
The Bantu-speaking peoples had a genderless Creator who was their primary diety. Around 0 CE the Creator began to be called Leza; coming with this image came new characteristics, among them bow proficiency and a nurturing spirit3, 5. The Creator was still genderless but had many female attributes3, 5. In some sublocations of the Belt the Creator was explicitly female but was notably never explicitly male3, 5. Considering that lineage was based on the female side of ancestry the new Creator likely represented many of the important attributes for women in the Bantu Matrilineal Belt.
Historical Spotlight
Highlighted below are the lives of some famous women from across Africa and the premodern period. For information on origin stories or on women's organization in West Africa, which are quite interesting reads, see chapter 1 of Sheldon5.
Hatchepsut (circa 1500 BCE)
It is the King himself who says: I declare before the folk who shall be in the future, Who shall deserve the monument I made for my father, Who shall speak in discussion, Who shall look to posterity - It was when I sat in the palace And thought of my maker, That my heart led me to make for him Two obelisks of electrum, Whose summits would reach the heavens...
Born into the royal Egyptian family, Hatchepsut was married in her youth to her half brother Thutmose II. She remained his primary queen and was granted the titles of "of Noble Bearing," "Great Royal Spouse," "Daughter of the God Amun," and "First Lady of the Two Lands". According to the third title she was supposedly the child of a human-divine union. After her husband's death she was appointed co-regent for his heir. It is noted that she had war powers but decided not to start wars during her regency. Her national contributions include the construction of schools and art centers as well as the minimization of the army and the organization of diplomatic forces. Thutmose III came of majority age and took over military activities but otherwise she remained largely in charge. Eventually she took on the mantle of paraoh and the privileges that went with it, including male attire and a royal burial tomb in the Valley of the Kings. She continued to allocate her resources to divine monuments. One of the architects, a black man named Senmut, was allegedly her lover and the father of a child found in her tomb. It was only after Hatchepsut's life that Thutmose III took full rulership.
Whether of not the relationship between Thutmose III and Hatchepsut was tense, amicable, or simply neutral is unknown and is the topic of much scholarly interpretation. Carter and Sweetman 2, 6 both offer different interpretations on this matter. While the desecration of some of her images and works are oft pointed to as evidence of this supposed grudge, it is much more realistic that their relationship was professional and Thutmose III did not terribly mind her involvement because he knew of her proved competency.
The necessity of Hatchepsut's male guise brings into question the acceptance of female rulers. It appears from other royal Egyptian women that this measure was not a must and that women could essentially rule in their own steads but this was a source of further legitimacy since she was technically only to be a regent. She also married her daughter to Thutmose III6. Based on these efforts legitimacy must have been a key concern of hers.
Another area in which Carter and Sweetman differ is in the war powers invested in Hatchepsut since she was a female ruler. Carter describes Hatchepsut as a fully capable strategizer who chose to intentionally avoid war. Sweetman explains this lack of war as an indication that she had no war powers to wield, especially in battle, and the result was a gradual decay of the kingdom's edges. The reality was probably somewhat more complex than each of these stories. Leading a group into battle was probably not a role she could step into, much like in Byzantium, but Hatchepsut was known for her intelligence and was likely a fair strategizer if her diplomatic measures are any indication. She likely could have started and led wars but just not in person. It appears that her lack of war and her counterfocus on diplomacy was a strategy, not a sign of weakness.
Makeda, Queen of Sheba (aka Bilkis)
According to the biblical tale Makeda, the founder of Ethiopia, heard of the wisdom of King Solomon and sought out his company in her desire to learn. She brought with her objects and gifts to represent her own society's success and wealth. Once in his kingdom, she remained for around six months and was fairly impressed by his wisdom. During this time they were intellectual peers and spoke of many matters as well as fellow rulers, for Solomon organized a new apartment and throne for her in the city. Yet tension arose. Solomon wanted Makeda's intimate attention but she was already dedicated to lifelong chastity. After much wooing and some potential trickery he managed to convince her to give in on her last night in the city. Their child, a son named Menilek (Son of Wisdom), was told of his heritage. After having been trained and taught under his mother Menilek later traveled to meet his father and learn from him as well.
In this story there are elements of the traditional female legacy through male descendents. Makeda's son was the culmination of two wise people coming together to learn from each other. His continued legacy reflected on both his parents but would especially bring extra pride and importance to the story of his mother, who raised the boy.
Depending on the version of the story there are also questions as to Makeda's agency. Was Makeda tricked into sleeping with Solomon through her drinking of precious water that demanded repayment? Or did Makeda actually choose to turn away from her chastity pledge because of her true interest in Solomon? The former portrayal presents her as someone with little choice and who was ultimately wrangled by Solomon despite her own efforts and desires. The latter shows her as a powerful individual who chose to break a vow because of her own personal inclinations. A troubling element throughout many of these African women's stories (as can be seen for Yennenga and Amina Kulibali) is the lack of clarity of their level of freedom in regards to approaching or denying men.
Yennenga (circa 1200 CE)
Yennenga, a talented warrior, not only led her own battalion into battle but also was in charge of the royal guard. She often fought alongside her father. Yet when she became interested in starting a family her father was against the idea. In defiance and in pursuit of her own wishes she set off at night dressed in male attire, traveling as far as she could. When she and her close followers stopped to rest she stayed at the tent of a man named Raile, an exiled Mande prince, presenting herself as a prince. She was fascinated by Raile's battle stories and the two spoke on such matters for days. When her disguise was accidentally revealed by her long hair one day Raile became aware of her true identity. The two married some indeterminate amount of time afterwards. She continued to live with him and had a son a year later. When her son Ouedraogo ("Stallion") was older she brought him back to her father, where they reconciled and she left her son in his care. She returned to Raile where she stayed for the rest of her life. Her legacy was marked both through her son and his founding of the Mossi Kingdom and by her battle skill. The Mossi Kingdom was in theory a tree born from her body, a warrior woman who galloped into battle in her youth, hair flying like a lion's mane. Even in modern times the Mossi people will not attack lions in her honor, she is the subject of statues, and her name was applied to many sites in that area.
While Yennenga was clearly an independent-minded and capable warrior she still felt the need to dress up as a man when traveling. It was likely not just to hide her identity for she could have dropped the guise after having ridden several days away. This implies that travel may not have been necessarily safe for women and she was protecting both herself and her retinue when she took on a male guise. Therefore even though African women could be warriors that did not translate to safety abroad Amina Kulibali's story (below) takes this idea even further, suggesting that women were also not always safe in their own communities from unwanted or improper sexual advances.
Even though Yennenga was seeking a partner the question of whether she actively chose Raile is unanswered. Their marriage occurs after her identity is revealed and nothing is said about what choice she may have had in the matter. It does appear that she liked Raile or at least his battle experience but that does not make their marriage necessarily inevitable. This issue is not addressed in the story.
As well, Yennenga is honored in part for her role in raising her son into a fierce warrior like she was, just as Makeda was recognized for training her son in scholarly ways. Birthing a future leader and educating the child after oneself is a lasting part of legacy for these women. Note that in these stories the child is almost always a boy.
Njinga a Mbandi (aka Nzinga or Anna de Sousa) (1581 CE)
Njinga was raised during a time of war and turmoil from colonialism. Her father and brother took over the throne before her and were not successful in standing on equal footing against the Portuguese. Only Njinga was eventually able to do this. Njinga's brother had her son killed and her sterilized2, 4, 5. Yet when his war tactics failed in defending their territory and people she stepped up to address the Portuguese with diplomacy. At the meeting the Portuguese governor sat in a tall throne-like chair as to look down on her; In response she gestured to one of her retainers, who promptly formed a human chair for her to sit upon for the meeting2, 4, 5. This Portuguese attempt to make her look inferior did not phase her and she quickly dealt with it. This incident is representative of how diplomatic and quick-to-react Njinga really was. As part of this meeting she agreed to baptism, taking on the Christian name Anna de Sousa2, 4, 5. This was only the beginning for Njinga.
After seeing what the country needed Njinga took over the throne with the support of the people and successfully managed to deal with the Portuguese for decades, alternating between open attacks, guerilla warfare, and diplomacy as she deemed necessary. At times she was forced out of her palace and home but she still held the support of the people, who would not listen to the figurehead male leader, Hari a Ndongo, who the Portuguese put in place2, 4, 5. Being a man did not give her "replacement" any benefits. As she was the sole holder of legitimacy, the people refused to recognize any other than her, doing Hari a Ndongo only lip service at most. Njinga negotiated repeatedly with local chiefs and even with the Dutch to retain just enough support to escape or continue with her next line of attack. At one point the Portuguese were so close that she literally swung dozens of feet away on a long vine to temporarily escape4.
Njinga tried to repeatedly negotiate with the Portuguese but it took decades before they would finally keep their word, treat her as an equal, and return her sisters, whom they had kidnapped. Part of her success in doing so relied on her ability to straddle the lines between Europe (with Christianity, her later genuine belief, and recognition of her sovereignty from the Pope himself), the other tribes (such of that of her husband, who she married for politics, and his tribes' bloodier traditions), and her own tribe (with its belief in the spirits, rituals, and traditions). Maneuvering successfully between these different groups Njinga did what those before her could not, stave off the Portuguese and receive recognition of her sovereignty from a key European player, the Pope.
Amina Kulibali (1600s CE)
After this princess was assaulted and impregnated by her (also royal) fiance, who was too impatient to wait to marry, she fled with some trusted members of her retinue to avoid shaming her father. She settled in a cave where the king of Gabu found her heavily pregnant. He wanted her so badly that he acquiesed to her requirement of making her child king and even sent away his other wives. This daughter's children, both men and women, were made the successors to the kingdom and they extended the reach of the kingdom.
Here, as in the stories of Makeda and Yennenga, there is the issue of female choice in starting a relationship. Makeda was either tricked or convinced by repeated wooing; Yennenga was either forced by necessity or decided to marry (though likely the latter); Amina Kulibali was either forced or charmingly persuaded against her better judgment. While these women have different levels of agency with their relationships they seem generally limited by their sex. There is no responsibility for the men involved for either Makeda or Amina Kulibali. For Makeda, Solomon only works with the boy when he is grown and does not have to raise him. He does not have to deal with potential consequences, if any, of her breaking of her chastity promise. The unnamed fiance in Amina Kulibali's story disappears from the rest of the tale after he upsets her expected life. Yennenga alone of the three seems to have chosen this path rather than having it pushed on them, having set out to find a spouse from the beginning and finding a man of similar interests. Yet they deal with their situations effectively and manage to face whatever consequences that arise, showing their individual power and inner strength. It is in regard to sexual relationships that their agency is more murky.
There is some gender bias available in this tale even though the daughter was made a successor. It was not truly her who was to succeed but her chilren. Is she had been a boy perhaps she would have been a direct successor rather than a parent to the successor. Furthormore, despite the many siblings who had a hand in ruling, only the male successor is mentioned explicitly by name.
While the Bantu Mantrilineal Belt may have been more monogamous in relationships this was not a rule. Many African tribes practiced polygyny, where men had multiple wives5. This was applicable only to the wealthiest men, such as the king of Gabu5. Therefore it is not representative of usual life in these tribes.